Boris Yeltsin - biography. Ten main cases of Boris Yeltsin as President of Russia Where Yeltsin worked

Boris Nikolayevich Yeltsin is a Soviet and Russian politician, the first president of the Russian Federation (1992-1999), who managed to stop the collapse of the country's economy at a time of crisis. He was remembered for his achievements in the industrial sector, he was successful in communication with Western countries and former Soviet republics.

Childhood

Boris Nikolaevich Yeltsin was born in a small village in the Ural region on February 1, 1931. His family was primordially rural: his paternal grandfather was listed as a kulak (a prosperous peasant) and was exiled at one time to Nadezhdinsk. Nikolai Yeltsin was no longer able to inherit the lands of his family and earned a living by construction, and Boris's mother, Klavdia Vasilievna, was a dressmaker.

3 years after the birth of the boy, trouble came to the Yeltsin family - the arrest of his father. He and four other builders were accused of anti-Soviet agitation and sent to serve a labor sentence for 3 years. The prisoner's wife and little son were expelled from the barracks where they lived. They found shelter in the house of Vasily Petrovich Petrov, a doctor from Kazan, who was serving his sentence along with Nikolai Yeltsin. The doctor's wife provided them with housing.

In 1936, Nikolai was released ahead of schedule, he returned to his wife, a year later another son appeared in the family. In 1937, the Yeltsins returned to the Urals in the city of Berezniki, where his father built a good career. Here Boris went to school, was a warden and an activist. In the 7th grade, he had a conflict with a teacher, for which the guy was expelled from school with a bad recommendation. The future president turned to the city party committee, where he spoke about physical and labor punishments from this teacher; later he was able to continue his studies at another institution and receive a certificate.

student life

Immediately after graduating from school in 1949, Boris entered the Ural Polytechnic Institute named after S. M. Kirov. The Faculty of Civil Engineering was not chosen in vain - the guy followed in the footsteps of his father. In 1955, Yeltsin graduated from it with the qualification of civil engineer, specializing in industrial and civil construction.

During his studies, the guy became seriously interested in volleyball: he played in the Yekaterinburg national team and even became a master of sports of the USSR. In 1952 he was the coach of the women's volleyball team of the Molotov region.

Carier start

According to the distribution after the university, he ends up in the construction company Uraltyazhtrubstroy, where he already in practice masters the professions of a carpenter, painter, concrete worker, carpenter, bricklayer, glazier, plasterer and machinist. As Boris himself recalls, this path was chosen consciously: despite the fact that specialists with a diploma could occupy leadership positions, the guy wanted to go through all the steps on his own.

The zeal of yesterday's student could not go unnoticed, and in two years he rose to the rank of foreman of the construction department. By the mid-1960s, Yeltsin headed the Sverdlovsk house-building plant.

During the same period, he began his political career. He becomes a member of the CPSU in 1961. For two years of political activity, he becomes a recognized member of the party: he travels to city, district, and then regional conferences of the CPSU as an elected delegate. The efforts of the young party member do not go unnoticed: in 1968, Boris Yeltsin was transferred to party work in the Sverdlovsk regional committee of the CPSU, where his political career was developing by leaps and bounds.

Growth of political power

As the head of the construction department, Yeltsin did a lot for the region: agriculture was gaining momentum, new housing complexes and industrial facilities were being built. In 1975 he became responsible for the industrial development of the region, and in 1976 he was made the de facto head of the Sverdlovsk region.

He held the post of First Secretary of the Sverdlovsk Regional Committee of the CPSU for almost 10 years - until 1985. The most high-profile achievements of the future president include the construction of the Yekaterinburg-Serov highway, a new 20-story building of the regional committee of the CPSU, he made a decision to build a metro in Sverdlovsk.

It was Boris Nikolayevich who initiated the creation of experimental settlements in the villages of Baltym and Patrushi in order to improve agriculture and improve the quality of life of workers. The Baltymsky cultural and sports complex designed by Yeltsin became the pride of the entire region - the building in the style of Soviet futurism had no analogues in the construction practice of the USSR.

Despite the fact that Boris Nikolayevich never served in the army due to the absence of two fingers on his hand (a childhood injury), while at party work he received the military rank of reserve colonel.

For the next few years, Yeltsin's influence and strength in politics grew: until 1989 he was a deputy of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR (member of the Council of the Union), until 1988 - a member of the Presidium of the USSR Supreme Council, a member of the party of the Central Committee of the CPSU until 1990. In the late 80s and early 90s, he was also remembered for his bold statements about the current government and criticism of Gorbachev, for which he was removed from a number of official duties.

The negative attitude towards the leader of the USSR was already growing in society, and against this background, the young and lively Boris Nikolayevich had a winning position. Yeltsin's successes and influence were noticed and appreciated. During the collapse of the Union, he and his associates were able to achieve authority, take power over themselves and prevent a real war from breaking out.

Presidency: first term

Events on the eve of Yeltsin's inauguration unfolded rapidly. On August 19, 1991, the first secretary, Mikhail Gorbachev, was removed, and power was seized by the so-called GKChP (State Committee for the State of Emergency). The events known today as the "August Putsch" were nothing more than an attempted coup d'état unfolding into a full-blown civil war.

The role of Yeltsin in this period of time is enormous. With his comrades-in-arms, he became opposed to the illegally operating body and eventually destroyed the political power of the State Emergency Committee. It was Boris Nikolayevich Yeltsin, who became the first president in the history of Russia, who signed the Belovezhskaya agreement on the liquidation of the USSR. Thus, the impending internal war for the independence of the countries that once entered the union was prevented.

In his post, Yeltsin did a lot of useful things for the restoration of the economy and the moral improvement of the society of the new country. He adopted the Constitution, established relations with the countries of the former union, entered into a dialogue with the leaders of Western countries.

The first president also had frank failures in the conduct of domestic policy. In particular, he failed to stop the armed conflict in Chechnya, which turned into a long-term war.

And to add to the image of Russia in the international arena, he announced the disarmament of the country in the direction of US cities and approved the deployment of NATO bases in the countries neighboring the CIS. For this, critics and historians accuse him of suppressing the military power of the Russian Federation.

Participation in the 1996 elections as a presidential candidate was impulsive and motivated only by the unwillingness to allow the Communists to power. The political program with the slogan "Vote or lose" was very successful. He visited a large number of cities, went on stage with pop stars, participated in lively discussions with young people and students. In a short time, Yeltsin's rating rose from 3-6% to 35%, but the heavy workload during the campaigning period affected his health - he survived a heart attack.

Second term

After the victory, the incumbent president focused on stabilizing the economy and improving the social sphere. The government built a program to eliminate wage arrears, unsuccessfully fought against bribery and arbitrariness in the ranks of officials. The reforms also affected the small/medium business sector: uniform rules for bankers and entrepreneurs were introduced, a system of benefits for private entrepreneurs who wish to develop their own business in the difficult conditions of the crisis was launched.

However, Boris Nikolayevich himself is no longer able to tolerate large government workloads, his nerves were failing, and this, in the end, had a negative effect on his heart. Yeltsin underwent bypass surgery. In 1998, the world crisis came, sharply hooking the country: all the mistakes and miscalculations in the economy of the current leader came to the surface. The result was inflation of the national currency, default and collapse in the banking industry.

Boris Yeltsin made his resignation from the presidency symbolic: he remained in power until the last day of the 20th century, and with the advent of the new century, on the air of New Year's greetings on December 31, 1999, he announced his resignation. The reason for this decision was a combination of factors: serious health problems, the crisis in the country and the world, pressure and criticism. Since at the time of Yeltsin's resignation, 67% of citizens had a negative attitude towards him, the president asked for forgiveness from fellow citizens.

Personal life

Boris Yeltsin's personal life was successful: he met his future wife while still studying at the Polytechnic Institute. Naina (Anastasia) Girina worked as a project manager at the Vodokanal Institute. He married Naina immediately after graduation in 1956.

In 1957 and 1960 they had daughters: Elena and Tatiana, respectively. Later, the daughters gave the president five grandchildren.

Boris Nikolaevich remained faithful to his wife until the end of his life. In many publications about his biography, Yeltsin paid tribute to his wife, each time emphasizing her support. Some journalists believe that the wife of the first president of Russia influenced her husband's political activities, in particular in personnel policy.

Death

Towards the end of his life, the first president of Russia suffered greatly from a disease of the cardiovascular system. It is no secret that he was diagnosed with alcoholism - nervous tension in the post of head of the country and constant criticism of ill-wishers affected.

In mid-April 2007, Boris Nikolayevich was hospitalized due to a complication after a viral infection. According to the assurances of the doctors, nothing threatened his life, the disease proceeded predictably. However, 12 days after hospitalization, Boris Yeltsin died at the Central Clinical Hospital. Death occurred on April 23, 2007, at the age of 76.

"Cardiac arrest as a result of dysfunction of internal organs" - this wording was indicated in the cause of death. The funeral of the first president of Russia was held with full military honors at the Novodevichy cemetery, the process was broadcast live by all state television channels. On the grave of Boris Yeltsin there is a tombstone in the form of a boulder painted in the colors of the national flag.

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At 15:45 on Monday, April 23, 2007, the first President of Russia, Boris Yeltsin, died suddenly at the Central Clinical Hospital at the age of 77. The Medical Center for the Administration of the President of the Russian Federation stated that the cause of death was the progression of cardiovascular multiple organ failure. To put it simply, Yeltsin died due to sudden cardiac arrest.

Boris Nikolayevich Yeltsin was born in the village of Butka, Talitsky District, Sverdlovsk Region, on February 1, 1931. In 1955 he graduated from the Ural Polytechnic Institute with a degree in civil engineering. Yeltsin joined the CPSU in 1961. His party career developed gradually. The first significant position for him was the post of head of the construction department at the Sverdlovsk regional party committee, which he took in 1968.

By 1976, Yeltsin was already the head of the entire regional party committee. He continued along the construction line, becoming in 1981 the head of the construction department of the Central Committee of the CPSU. The maximum that Yeltsin achieved in the party field was the post of secretary of the party's Central Committee for construction. At the same time, from December 1985 to November 1987, he held the much more prestigious position of First Secretary of the Moscow City Committee of the CPSU.

At the initiative of the then head of state and party, Mikhail Gorbachev, Yeltsin was removed from this post due to ideological differences with the leadership and sent into an honorable exile as the first deputy head of the USSR Gosstroy.

But Yeltsin got a taste of big politics and, not wanting to focus solely on economic activity, was elected in March 1989 as a people's deputy of the USSR, and a year later, a people's deputy of the RSFSR. On May 29, 1990, he was elected chairman of the Supreme Soviet of the RSFSR, and in July of the same year, Yeltsin finally broke with communist ideology by leaving the party.

The entire 1990s went down in Russian history as the Yeltsin era. The first time he was elected President of the Russian Federation on June 12, 1991, and on July 3, 1996 he was re-elected for a second term.

Yeltsin himself put an end to his political career when he retired early. And he did it in his characteristic spectacular manner, announcing the resignation of presidential powers in an unexpected New Year's address to the people at noon on December 31, 1999. According to the constitution, the post of acting head of state in the event of his resignation is occupied by the chairman of the government, who at that time was Vladimir Putin. Three months later, Putin got rid of the prefix "acting", becoming a full-fledged president of the country following the election results.

Yeltsin's biography as head of state is full of contradictory moments. In 1991, he opposed the putschists from the State Emergency Committee, refusing to give him full power after Gorbachev returned from imprisonment in Foros. He got the communist Gorbachev, who was still formally the head of the Soviet Union, to ban the activities of the CPSU.

In December 1991, in Belovezhskaya Pushcha, Yeltsin, together with the heads of Ukraine and Belarus, signed an agreement on the dissolution of the USSR, after which large-scale political and economic reforms began in Russia. With his support, in 1992-93, the privatization of state property was carried out, which contributed to the transition of the Russian economy to capitalist rails.

In 1993, the conflict between Yeltsin and the leadership of the Supreme Council of the Russian Federation and the Congress of People's Deputies of Russia led to an armed confrontation in the center of Moscow, which ended with the shooting of the parliament building from tanks. A year later, the first military campaign in Chechnya began, which led to numerous casualties, both on the part of the military and the civilian population.

By the end of the 1990s, the Russian economy was on the rise, which was abruptly cut short by the August 1998 default caused by the collapse of the GKO pyramid. Sergei Kiriyenko, who was head of government at the time, resigned. Within a year, Yeltsin replaced two more prime ministers, Yevgeny Primakov and Sergei Stepashin, until in August 1999 he chose Vladimir Putin, whom he introduced to the country's citizens as his successor.

When Putin became the legitimately elected head of state, he provided Yeltsin and his family with guarantees of personal security and life security. In the last years of his life, Yeltsin and his family lived at the government dacha in Barvikha.

It is known that by the mid-1990s, Yeltsin's health had deteriorated sharply. Shortly before the 1996 presidential election, he underwent coronary artery bypass surgery, in which an artificial valve is implanted in his heart.

Since then, Yeltsin has been constantly under the close supervision of doctors. Sources close to his family claim that before his death, Yeltsin spent about a week at the Central Clinical Hospital.

The place of burial of the first president of Russia has not yet been determined. Boris Yeltsin is survived by his wife Naina, two daughters, five grandchildren and three great-grandchildren.

Boris Nikolaevich Yeltsin was born on February 1, 1931 in the village of Butka (emphasis on the last syllable) of the Talitsky district of the Sverdlovsk region. Father - Nikolai Ignatievich, builder, mother - Claudia Vasilievna, dressmaker. During the period of collectivization, Boris N. Yeltsin's grandfather was exiled, his father and uncle were also subjected to illegal repressions (both went through a forced labor camp). In 1935, the family moved to the Perm region to build the Berezniki potash plant.

Having successfully completed high school. A. S. Pushkin in Berezniki, B. N. Eltsin continued his education at the Faculty of Civil Engineering of the Ural Polytechnic Institute. S. M. Kirov (now the Ural State Technical University - USTU-UPI) in Sverdlovsk with a degree in industrial and civil engineering. At the UPI, B.N. Yeltsin showed himself not only in studies, but also in the sports field: he played at the national volleyball championship for the team of masters, coached the women's volleyball team of the institute.

During his studies, he met his future wife Naina (Anastasia) Iosifovna Girina. In 1955, having simultaneously defended their diplomas (the topic of B.N. Yeltsin’s diploma is “TV Tower”), the young people left for a while to the destinations of young specialists, but agreed to meet in a year. This meeting took place in Kuibyshev at zonal volleyball competitions: Boris Nikolaevich took the bride to Sverdlovsk, where the wedding took place.

Professional biography of B.N. Yeltsin began in 1955 at the Uraltyazhtrubstroy trust. However, before taking up the position of a foreman, he preferred to master working professions: he alternately worked as a bricklayer, concrete worker, carpenter, carpenter, glazier, painter, plasterer, and crane operator. From 1957 to 1963 - foreman, senior foreman, chief engineer, head of the construction department of the Yuzhgorstroy trust, chief engineer of the best DSC in the region and then its director. Professional achievements and organizational talent attracted B.N. Yeltsin the attention of party organs. In the second half of the 60s, his life in politics begins. Almost twenty years of hard managerial work connect B.N. Yeltsin with Sverdlovsk, and for half of this period he was at the head of the regional party organization. Since 1968 - head of the construction department of the Sverdlovsk regional committee of the CPSU. Since 1975 - Secretary of the Sverdlovsk Regional Committee of the CPSU. Since 1976 - First Secretary of the Sverdlovsk Regional Committee of the CPSU. In 1981 he was elected a member of the Central Committee of the CPSU. The "Ural period" of the biography of the First President of Russia is marked by the revival of the economic and social life of the region. The region has become a leader in many indicators, primarily in terms of the pace and scale of industrial and civil construction, the reconstruction of the Ural industry, and the creation of modern infrastructure. It was on the initiative of B. N. Yeltsin in Sverdlovsk, one of the few cities except Moscow, that a metro was laid. Constant attention to the problems of the countryside and their deep understanding by the head of the region made it possible to maintain the agricultural sector at a stable level, despite the risky nature of agriculture in the Middle Urals. Being, according to the then generally accepted term, “the owner of the region”, B. N. Yeltsin preferred the human factor in working with personnel, with the regional public, with residents of the city and region: any task must have a human dimension. At the same time, he knew how to be tough, demanding, principled. It was a special, "Yeltsin" style, coming from inner composure and focus on the main thing, from a solid professional foundation, from knowledge of life. The open position inherent in the future president of Russia in communicating and managing large masses of people won the trust and respect of the Urals. But the name of B. N. Yeltsin became known outside the region as well. In particular, the broadcast of the Sverdlovsk television on December 18, 1982 caused a great resonance in the country: “A member of the Central Committee of the CPSU, a deputy of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR, the first secretary of the Sverdlovsk Regional Party Committee B. N. Yeltsin.

It is natural that his professional knowledge, public authority and political potential were in demand by perestroika. In 1985, B. N. Yeltsin was invited to work in Moscow, in the central apparatus of the party, and after serious consideration, he agreed to move to the capital. From April 1985 - Head of the Construction Department of the CPSU Central Committee, from July of the same year - Secretary of the CPSU Central Committee for Construction.

In December 1985, already the secretary of the Central Committee of the CPSU, B. N. Yeltsin headed the Moscow City Party Committee and in a short time gained immense popularity in various sectors of society. Dictated by the time itself, B. N. Yeltsin's meaningful departure from the traditional apparatus command-administrative style of behavior and management was very warily received by the highest party elite. The sincerity with which the Ural leader got involved in perestroika quite logically led him to the edge of sharp criticism, which he did not hesitate to address both the Central Committee apparatus and personally General Secretary of the CPSU Central Committee MS Gorbachev.

In January 1987, far from the first, but a really sharp public conflict between B. N. Yeltsin and M. S. Gorbachev arose at a meeting of the Politburo of the CPSU Central Committee, which discussed the responsibility of the highest party cadres. The independence of judgments and actions of one of the youngest leaders of the Soviet leadership did not meet with understanding and support from the General Secretary. The secretary general's entourage fueled his suspicions about B. N. Yeltsin, interpreting the differences between them on the substance of the policy of perestroika and the future of the country as an attempt to encroach on the authority of M. S. Gorbachev.

In September 1987, B. N. Yeltsin sent a letter to M. S. Gorbachev, in which he thoroughly argued his critical view of the activities of the party leadership in managing the perestroika process and made proposals for correcting the course of reforms. However, this appeal remained unanswered. At the October plenum of the Central Committee of the CPSU, B. N. Yeltsin took the floor and briefly formulated the threats to perestroika, among which the emerging "cult of personality of Gorbachev" was named. Concluding his speech, the speaker announced his desire to leave the Politburo. And again, a responsible, frank discussion of the problems posed, which Boris N. Yeltsin counted on, did not work out. With the full approval of the Secretary General, the plenum reacted to B. N. Yeltsin’s speech with a classic personnel maneuver: recognizing this speech as “politically erroneous”, he immediately recommended that the next plenum of the CPSU MGK consider the advisability of B. N. Yeltsin’s tenure as first secretary of the MGK. Probably, the General Secretary saw in the intention of his political opponent to withdraw from the Politburo the possibility of Boris Yeltsin going into open opposition at the head of the Moscow organization of the CPSU. Already in November, the plenum of the Moscow City Committee obediently adopted the “decision on Yeltsin” that MS Gorbachev needed. And only in February 1988, he was removed from the list of candidates for membership in the Politburo of the Central Committee of the CPSU and appointed First Deputy Chairman of the Gosstroy of the USSR.

Despite M. S. Gorbachev’s warning that he would no longer “let B. N. Yeltsin into politics”, and the opposition of the party and administrative apparatus, B. N. Yeltsin took part in the elections of people’s deputies of the USSR in March 1989, gaining 90 percent of the vote in Moscow. At the I Congress of People's Deputies of the USSR (May - June 1989), he became co-chairman of the opposition Interregional Deputy Group (MDG).

In May 1990, at a meeting of the First Congress of People's Deputies of the RSFSR, he was elected Chairman of the Supreme Soviet of the RSFSR. On June 12, 1990, he put the Declaration on the State Sovereignty of Russia to the roll-call vote of the congress. It was adopted by an overwhelming majority of votes ("for" - 907, "against" - 13, abstentions - 9). In July 1990, at the XXVIII (last) Congress of the CPSU, he left the party.

On June 12, 1991, he was elected President of the RSFSR, gaining 57% of the vote (the closest rivals received: N.I. Ryzhkov - 17%, V.V. Zhirinovsky - 8%). In July 1991, he signed a decree on the termination of the activities of the organizational structures of political parties and mass social movements in state bodies, institutions and organizations of the RSFSR.

In connection with the attempted coup d'état in the USSR in August 1991, he issued an “Appeal to the citizens of Russia”, where he stated, in particular, the following: “We believe that such forceful methods are unacceptable. They discredit the USSR before the whole world, undermine our prestige in the world community, return us to the era of the Cold War and the isolation of the Soviet Union. All this forces us to declare illegal the so-called committee (GKChP) that came to power. Accordingly, we declare illegal all the decisions and orders of this committee.” The internal political crisis caught the President of the USSR M. S. Gorbachev on vacation in Foros (Crimea), where he thus avoided participation in the August events. Decisive and precise actions of the Russian leadership destroyed the plans of the putschists. Relying on the support of the people and the army, B. N. Yeltsin managed to save the country from the consequences of a large-scale provocation that brought Russia to the brink of civil war. Members of the GKChP were arrested, and M. S. Gorbachev was released from the “Foros captivity” and taken to Moscow.

On August 23, 1991, at a session of the Supreme Soviet of the RSFSR, Boris N. Yeltsin signed a decree on the dissolution of the Communist Party of the RSFSR, and on November 6 of the same year, he issued a decree on the termination of the activities of the structures of the CPSU and the Communist Party of the RSFSR in Russia and the nationalization of their property.

On November 15, 1991, he headed the Russian government, which remains in history as the first government of reforms. After the formation of a new cabinet, he signed a package of ten presidential decrees and government orders that outlined concrete steps towards a market economy. At the end of November 1991, Russia assumed obligations for the debts of the USSR.

In exercising his new powers, the President appointed E. T. Gaidar as First Deputy Prime Minister responsible for developing a new economic concept for Russian reform.

On December 8, 1991, B. N. Yeltsin, together with L. M. Kravchuk and S. S. Shushkevich, signed the Belovezhskaya Agreement of the heads of Belarus, Russia and Ukraine on the liquidation of the USSR and the formation of the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS).

At the end of the year, the President of Russia approved a decree on price liberalization effective January 2, 1992. In January 1992, a decree on freedom of trade was also signed, ending the distribution system of Soviet trade.

In June 1992, he terminated his powers as Chairman of the Government of the Russian Federation and entrusted E. T. Gaidar with the duties of Chairman of the Government of the Russian Federation. The Cabinet embarked on a decisive market reform and privatization of state property.

During 1992, the confrontation between the legislature and the executive power grew, which is often also called the "dual power crisis". Formally, it was based on contradictions in the constitutional system of Russia, but in fact, it was dissatisfaction on the part of the parliament with the ongoing reforms.

At the VII Congress of People's Deputies of Russia (December 1992), the parliament launched an open attack on the president, although already on the first day of the congress, B. N. Yeltsin proposed introducing a kind of "stabilization period", within which both sides would follow pre-agreed rules . The president suggested that the congress for the time being abandon attempts to increase influence on the executive branch, using its right to amend the Constitution. The congress rejected these proposals, then rejecting by a majority vote also the candidacy of E. T. Gaidar, whom the president proposed for the post of prime minister.

December 10, 1992 B.N. Yeltsin addressed the citizens of Russia, in which he called the Congress of People's Deputies the main stronghold of conservatism, laying on it the main responsibility for the difficult situation in the country and accusing it of preparing a "creeping coup." The Supreme Council, the president emphasized, wants to have all the powers and rights, but does not want to bear responsibility. Reforms are blocked, there is a danger of destruction of all positive processes. B.N. Yeltsin said that he sees a way out of the crisis in holding a nationwide referendum on confidence in the president. B.N. Yeltsin called on citizens to start collecting signatures for its implementation and firmly promised to obey the will of the people, whatever it may be.

At the VIII Congress of People's Deputies of the Russian Federation (March 1993), the political crisis entered a new phase: the deputies decided to disavow a number of previously reached compromise agreements, including the consent of the congress to hold a referendum.
In this regard, on March 20, B.N. Yeltsin signed a decree appointing for April 25, 1993, a referendum on confidence in the president of the Russian Federation and at the same time a draft new Constitution and a draft law on elections to the federal parliament.

The All-Russian referendum took place at the appointed time. The Russians were asked the following questions: “Do you trust the President of the Russian Federation B. Yeltsin?”, “Do you approve of the social policy pursued by the President of the Russian Federation and the Government of the Russian Federation since 1992?” "Do you consider it necessary to hold early elections of people's deputies of the Russian Federation?" There were 107 million citizens on the electoral lists. 64.5% of voters took part in the referendum.

On September 21, 1993, the Decree "On a phased constitutional reform in the Russian Federation" (Decree No. 1400) was promulgated, which dissolved the Supreme Council and the Congress of People's Deputies of the Russian Federation. The President scheduled elections to the State Duma - the lower house of the Federal Assembly - for December 11-12, 1993. The Federation Council was declared the upper house of the Federal Assembly. On the same day (September 21), an extraordinary session of the Supreme Council reopened the confrontation with the president in order to remove him from office. The crisis lasted until October 4, 1993 and ended with the restoration of constitutional order in the country. This required the introduction of a state of emergency in Moscow, the suppression by force of attempts by the opposition to seize the Moscow City Hall and the television center in Ostankino by force, and the suppression of armed resistance directly in the White House.

The crisis resulted in the President's decision to suspend the activities of the Communist Party. On October 26, a decree "On the reform of local self-government in the Russian Federation" was signed, which liquidated the Soviets of People's Deputies. Subsequently, the president's efforts related to the problems of local self-government were directed mainly to organizational and political assistance to the new system, which was based on local administrations (this work ended with the adoption of the law "On the general principles of organizing local self-government" at the end of the summer of 1995).

The adoption of the new Constitution and the elections on December 12, 1993 markedly improved the atmosphere in society and opened up the opportunity for all branches of government to focus on constructive work. In February 1994, in his first annual Address, the president called on the government to strengthen the social orientation of the reforms. The president's consistent efforts to pacify public sentiment led to the appearance in April 1994 of an important document - the "Public Accord Treaty", which became an instrument for consolidating power, the political elite and society in the interests of creating favorable conditions for continuing reforms. The meaning of the agreement was seen in the search for compromises, the establishment of a dialogue between state structures and various political forces in Russia.
Along with complex economic problems, the problems of federal relations came to the fore. In particular, the situation around the Chechen Republic developed dramatically. The negative consequences of her being outside the legal field of Russia under Dudayev's regime were obvious. At the end of 1994, the Russian leadership began to untie the Chechen knot, hoping to solve this fundamental problem in a short time and with limited forces.

The development of a special operation in Chechnya into a military campaign, the difficulties of socio-economic development affected the results of the elections to the State Duma in December 1995, as a result of which the Communist Party doubled its representation. There was a real threat of communist revenge. In this regard, the presidential elections scheduled for June 1996, in which eight contenders applied for participation, acquired great significance.

1996 - 1999

In the situation that was developing at the beginning of 1996, Boris N. Yeltsin took into account and attentively responded to the prevailing moods in society, demanded that the government promptly resolve the problems that worried people. The President carried out a decisive reorganization of the Cabinet of Ministers, which in January 1996 began to develop a new reform program.

In January-April 1996, the president signed a series of decrees aimed at the timely payment of salaries to public sector employees, compensation payments to pensioners, and increased scholarships for students and graduate students. Energetic steps were taken in solving the Chechen problem (from the development of a plan for a peaceful settlement to a scheme for the elimination of Dudayev and the cessation of military operations). The signing of agreements between Russia and Belarus, as well as between Russia, Belarus, Kazakhstan and Kyrgyzstan, demonstrated the seriousness of integration intentions in the post-Soviet space.

The President made 52 trips to various regions of the Russian Federation, including to intensify the conclusion of bilateral agreements between the federal center and the territories and regions of Russia.

The will of B. N. Yeltsin, his desire to achieve for all Russians the opportunity to live with dignity and freedom, uncompromisingness in the fight against the orthodox party nomenclature clinging to power ensured the victory of the presidential course in the 1996 elections. In the second round of elections on July 3, 1996, B. N. Yeltsin defeated the leader of the Russian Communists, G. A. Zyuganov, gaining 53.8% of the vote (the candidate from the Communist Party received 40.3%). The main result of the difficult victory was not just the re-election of B. N. Yeltsin, it was a success new constitution, a new political system and young Russian statehood.

The presidential marathon-96 had a great impact on the socio-economic and political situation in Russia. The victory in the elections made it possible to remove social tensions and continue moving towards a market economy. The strengthening of the democratic foundations of the constitutional system was continued, the foundations of the legislative base for a market economy were laid, labor markets, goods, currency, and securities markets began to function. However, the situation in Chechnya remained difficult, where hostilities resumed after the presidential elections. In this regard, the president authorized the holding of talks in Khasavyurt on August 22 and 30, 1996, which ended with the signing of important documents. According to the agreements, the parties ceased hostilities, the federal troops were withdrawn from Chechnya, and the decision on the status of Chechnya was postponed until 2001.

By the spring of 1997, the president completed the work begun earlier on the reorganization of the government, whose main task for the period of the second presidency of Boris N. Yeltsin was to develop a new socio-economic program. This program of priority measures has come to be known as the Seven Key Actions. It was planned to do the following: eliminate wage arrears, switch to targeted social support, introduce common rules of the game for bankers and entrepreneurs, limit the influence of "natural monopolies", fight bureaucratic arbitrariness and corruption, activate regional economic initiative, widely explain to the public the meaning and goals entrepreneurship.
The government vigorously took up the task, although not all of the measures it proposed received parliamentary and broader public support. Criticism of the team of "young reformers" was also voiced in the President's Address to the Federal Assembly in February 1998. March 23 was followed by a presidential decree on the resignation of Prime Minister V. S. Chernomyrdin and his government. Initially perceived as a sensation, BN Yeltsin's decision was based on a clear realization of the inevitable completion of a certain stage of economic policy.

The political "heavyweight" V. S. Chernomyrdin was replaced by the young S. V. Kiriyenko. The President once again demonstrated his principle of constant rejuvenation and rotation of personnel at the upper levels of the management system.

However, already in August 1998, the country was faced with a global financial crisis, which led the government of S. V. Kiriyenko to fall. The default, the collapse of the banking system and repeated devaluation of the ruble made the country's economic situation extremely difficult, but the Russian market turned out to be stronger than expected. The August crisis was followed by an upsurge: the substitution of imported goods by domestic ones and the intensification of export activity contributed to the stabilization of the economy.

In September 1998, the head of state proposed E. M. Primakov, who at that moment headed the Russian Foreign Ministry, for the post of prime minister. The inclusion of representatives of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation in the government gave reason to talk about the "left" of the executive branch. The Cabinet was sometimes enthusiastically involved in political discussions on the side of the parliamentary opposition. The president, in turn, demanded that the government strictly adhere to the tactics of solving specific cases. There were no radical changes in the course of reforms, and even managed to stabilize the socio-political situation as a whole. On May 12, 1999, the president dismissed E. M. Primakov. The reasons for this step, which then seemed irrational, were in fact simple: the head of state did not see his successor in the then prime minister.

His name was actually named by B. N. Yeltsin on August 9, 1999, after the signing of a decree appointing V. V. Putin as Acting Prime Minister, whose assumption of office coincided with the start of a large-scale operation against Chechen militants in Dagestan.

The energetic involvement of VV Putin in solving complex problems was supported by the majority of Russian citizens. An important role was played by the consistency with which he declared the continuity of the policy of strengthening the foundations of the market economy and the democratic structure of Russia laid down in the 1990s.

On December 31, 1999, Boris N. Yeltsin announced his resignation and signed a decree “On the exercise of the powers of the President of the Russian Federation”: “1. In accordance with Part 2 of Article 92 of the Constitution of the Russian Federation, from 12:00 on December 31, 1999, I cease to exercise the powers of the President of the Russian Federation. 2. In accordance with Part 3 of Article 92 of the Constitution of the Russian Federation, the powers of the President of the Russian Federation are temporarily performed by the Chairman of the Government of the Russian Federation from 12:00 on December 31, 1999. This decree comes into force from the moment of its signing.

The Russians learned about this decision of their president from his New Year's television address. Thus, in modern Russia, for the first time, a precedent was created for the voluntary transfer of power.

The First President of Russia was awarded the Order of Merit for the Fatherland, I degree, as well as the Order of Lenin, two Orders of the Red Banner of Labor, the Order of the Badge of Honor, the Order of Gorchakov (the highest award of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Russian Federation), the Order of the Royal Order of Peace and Justice ( UNESCO), medals "Shield of Freedom" and "For Selflessness and Courage" (USA), the Order of the Knight Grand Cross (the highest state award in Italy) and many others.

Boris Nikolaevich was fond of hunting, sports, music, literature, cinema. The family of Boris Nikolaevich Yeltsin is large: wife Naina Iosifovna, daughters Elena and Tatyana, grandchildren - Katya, Masha, Boris, Gleb, Ivan and Maria, great-grandchildren Alexander and Mikhail.

Boris Nikolaevich Yeltsin died on April 23, 2007. He was buried at the Novodevichy Cemetery in Moscow.

Boris Nikolaevich Yeltsin, born in 1931 in the outback of the Sverdlovsk region, made a dizzying career, having gone from a foreman at a construction plant to the first President of the Russian Federation.

His political activities were ambiguously assessed by his contemporaries, but global discussions began when Yeltsin died. It is impossible to give an unequivocal answer to the question of the legitimacy of his decisions, but one thing is certain - Boris Nikolayevich led our country along an entirely new road that opens up great prospects.

Life after retirement

After seven years in office, Boris Yeltsin signed the decree on his resignation with particular joy. Now he could fully and without reserve devote his time to his beloved wife Naina, children and grandchildren.

The first time after the official retirement, Boris Yeltsin participated in the public life of the country. Including at the inauguration ceremony of V.V. Putin after the elections in March 2000.

Yeltsin's dacha was often visited by ministers and politicians, according to whose testimonies, Boris Nikolaevich was not always pleased with the actions of his successor. But soon these visits ended, and the former president began a quiet life away from politics.

Several times Yeltsin came to the Kremlin for the awards ceremony. In 2006, he awarded Boris Nikolayevich with the Order of Three Stars.

A few months before he died, Boris Nikolayevich Yeltsin visited Jordan and Israel. I visited the Dead Sea.

Illness and death

According to some doctors, a trip abroad could provoke a deterioration in health. A few days after returning to his native land, Yeltsin was hospitalized in a clinical hospital with an acute viral infection. It was she who caused the failure of some internal organs.

The ex-president spent almost two weeks in the hospital. According to his doctor, there were no signs of death. However, on April 23, 2007, his heart stopped and Yeltsin died. In 1996, cardiac surgeon R. Achkurin saw off the president and, in his opinion, it should not have refused.

For all relatives, friends and compatriots, April 23, when Boris Yeltsin died, became a day of mourning.

Funeral preparation

In the recent history of Russia, the funeral of the head of state has not yet been held. Yeltsin's burial was the first of its kind. Of course, there were no traditions and rituals. Therefore, when Yeltsin died, Russian President V.V. Putin instructed to develop the appropriate stages of the ceremony.

The Commission for the organization of the funeral was urgently created, headed by

The funeral was in no way similar to the repose of the first persons of the Soviet state. For the first time, it was decided to hold a funeral service in the main church of the country, since Boris Nikolayevich was a believer.

The funeral service was to be conducted by Metropolitan Juvenaly with the help of Metropolitans Cyril and Clement. Alexy II, Metropolitan of All Russia, was unable to attend the ceremony because he was undergoing treatment abroad.

A simple oak coffin with the body of the former president was delivered to the temple on April 24. Every inhabitant of the country could say goodbye to Boris Yeltsin. The Cathedral of Christ the Savior was open all night. The flow of people was not very stormy, but by noon the next day there were those who did not manage to get to say goodbye and pay tribute to the deceased.

On the day of the funeral, April 25, 2007, the Cathedral of Christ the Savior was closed for the funeral of B. N. Yeltsin.

funeral service

The official farewell ceremony began on April 25 at about one in the afternoon. It was attended by the highest ranks of the state, Yeltsin's associates, his closest friends and relatives, and some artists. This day was declared a day of mourning throughout the country.

It is noteworthy that the State Duma did not stop its work. And the deputies of the Communist Party faction refused to honor the memory of Yeltsin with a minute of silence.

Among foreign political figures, former US presidents Clinton and Bush Sr., former prime ministers of Great Britain, Canada, Italy, as well as Finland, Bulgaria and many others were present at the farewell to Yeltsin. It is noteworthy that Mikhail Gorbachev, the first and last President of the USSR, arrived at the funeral of Boris Nikolaevich.

When Yeltsin died, it was decided to hold a farewell ceremony in accordance with Orthodox canons, so the Psalter was read over the coffin all night, then a funeral liturgy was performed and the funeral itself, which lasted about two hours.

The funeral

After the ceremony at the Cathedral of Christ the Savior, the coffin with the ex-president's body was moved to a hearse and taken to Moscow's Novodevichy Cemetery. Yeltsin's body was taken to the right place along the central alley on a gun carriage to the sound of bells.

The Russian flag was removed from the closed coffin of Boris Yeltsin and handed over to Naina Yeltsina, his wife. The family was once again allowed to say goodbye to the deceased, at which time the women's choir of the monastery performed "Eternal Memory".

Yeltsin was buried at 17:00 to the sound of artillery salvos and the anthem of the Russian Federation.

A commemoration for the former president of Russia was held in the Georgievsky Hall of the Kremlin. They were attended by about five hundred people. The only ones who made a speech were Vladimir Putin and Yeltsin's wife, Naina Iosifovna.

Memory

When Yeltsin died, the President of Russia put forward a proposal to name the St. Petersburg Library after the ex-president.

A street in Yekaterinburg bears the name of Boris Yeltsin.

A year after the funeral, a monument in the form of the Russian flag by G. Frangulyan was solemnly erected on Yeltsin's grave.

Many monuments and memorial plaques are open not only in Russia, but also abroad. For example, in Kyrgyzstan, Estonia, Kyrgyzstan.

A number of documentaries have been shot about Boris Yeltsin, as well as several feature films, such as “Yeltsin. Three days in August.

What year did Yeltsin die?

There is a theory put forward by the publicist Y. Mukhin, according to which the real Yeltsin died in 1996, during a heart operation or due to another heart attack, and a double ruled the country.

As evidence, the journalist used photographs taken before and after 1996.

The publication of articles in the Duel newspaper resulted in a great public outcry. The State Duma even put forward a draft on checking the president's legal capacity, but it was not accepted for execution.

The history of the Soviet Union knows cases when the highest party leaders really had doubles who went to potentially dangerous events with a large crowd of people.

However, the theory of Yeltsin's twins did not find any official confirmation, and to the question "In what year did Yeltsin die?" there is only one answer - in 2007.